Thursday, June 29, 2006

Taiwan Wins a Vote in House

Agence France-PresseTHURSDAY, JUNE 29, 2006

The U.S. House of Representatives has voted to strike down a ban on high-level government contacts with Taiwan in a move that, at least in theory, may open the way for visits by Taiwanese officials to the White House. The amendment, sponsored by a bipartisan group of lawmakers, would prohibit the government from enforcing the "Guidelines on Relations With Taiwan" that were issued in 2001 by the State Department. The amendment was tucked into a $60 billion spending bill that is to provide funding for the State Department and was passed by a voice vote. The Senate still has to approve the measure, but Representative Tom Tancredo, Republican of Colorado, one of those who sponsored the legislation, hailed the vote as a victory for friends of democracy in Asia. "China shouldn't control our foreign policy, Americans should," he said in a statement. "Lifting these humiliating restrictions will force State Department bureaucrats to treat Taiwan as an equal partner in freedom and democracy."
The guidelines were issued by the State Department to reinforce the "one China" policy adopted by the United States in 1979, when Washington switched its formal diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing. The guidelines specifically prohibited holding meetings with Taiwanese representatives at the White House or the State Department building, and barred high-level federal employees from attending formal Taiwanese receptions.
Mid-level State and Defense Department officials were banned from traveling to Taiwan on "official business," while officials above the rank of assistant secretary were barred from going to the island even for personal reasons. Neither the White House nor the State Department had an immediate response to the House vote.

China Navy Chief Sacked for Graft

A top-level Chinese military official has been sacked for corruption after his mistress turned him in, the state-run Xinhua news agency reported. Wang Shouye, 62, was sacked as deputy commander of the navy and expelled from the national legislature. According to official documents, an unmarried young woman reported Wang's activities and admitted an "improper relationship" with him. Wang is one of the most senior victims of an ongoing anti-corruption drive. China's ruling Communist Party is worried that widespread official corruption is undermining its legitimacy, and has taken care to highlight a number of high-profile falls from grace. Earlier this month, in an unrelated case, a former deputy Beijing mayor, Liu Zhihua, was sacked over unspecified corruption charges. Xinhua said the investigation into Wang began in January. According to documents submitted to the legislature, the National People's Congress (NPC), he was removed from office on account of his "loose morals", and the fact he abused his power to ask for and take bribes. "Because of my involvement in economic crimes, I have been stripped from the post of deputy navy commander and thus no longer have the qualification of being a deputy to NPC. Please take me off the position," Wang said in a resignation letter dated March 29,2006, according to Xinhua.
Story from BBC NEWS:http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/5128240.stm

Wednesday, June 28, 2006

A Desert's Deadly Advance Strangles an Oasis

China's favorite military strategist, Sun Tzu, surely would have warned against letting two mighty enemies, the Tengger and the Badain Jaran, form a united front. Yet a desert pincer is squeezing this struggling oasis town, and China's long campaign to cultivate its vast, arid northwest is now in retreat.

An ever-rising tide of sand has claimed grasslands, ponds, lakes and forests, swallowed whole villages and forced tens of thousands of people to flee as it surges south and threatens to render this ancient Silk Road greenbelt uninhabitable.

Han Chinese cover their heads and faces to protect against violent sandstorms. Farmers dig wells down hundreds of meters. If they find water, it is often brackish, even poisonous.

Chinese leaders have vowed to protect Minqin and surrounding towns in Gansu Province. The area divides two deserts, the Badain Jaran in the northwest and the Tengger in the northeast, and its precarious state threatens to accelerate the spread of barren wasteland to the heart of China.

The national "937 Project," set up to fight the encroaching desert, estimated in April that 3,900 square kilometers, or 1,500 square miles, of land turns to sand each year. Nearly all of north central China, including Beijing, is at risk. Expanding deserts and a severe drought also made this a near record year for dust storms carried east in the jet stream.

Sand squalls have blanketed Beijing and other northern cities, leaving a stubborn yellow haze in the air and coating roads, buildings, cars and lungs with a film of fine granules.

Prime Minister Wen Jiabao traveled to the northwest recently, offering aid to drought-stricken farmers and ordering provincial officials to supply more water to Minqin. His call to reinforce the oasis is plastered on a giant billboard on the main road into town. But while local officials have tried grandiose schemes to rescue the outpost, environmentalists say that it will probably need to be at least partly abandoned and returned to nature if the regional ecology is to be restored.

"We must find ways to live with nature in some kind of balance," said Chai Erhong, an environmentalist and writer who lives in Minqin. "The government mainly wants to control nature, which is what did all the harm in the first place."

Government-led cultivation, deforestation, irrigation and reclamation almost certainly contributed to the desert's advance, which began in the 1950s and the 1960s and has accelerated since then.

Critics warn that some lessons of past engineering fiascoes remained unlearned. During the ill-fated Great Leap Forward in the late 1950s, Chairman Mao Zedong ordered construction of a giant Hongyashan reservoir near Minqin that diverted the flow of the Shiyang River and runoff from the Qilian Mountains into an irrigation system. It briefly made Minqin's farmland fertile enough to grow grain. But Minqin is a desert oasis that gets almost no rainfall. The Shiyang and its offshoots had been its ecological lifeline.

With the available water resources monopolized for farming, nearly all other land became a target for the desert. Today, patches of farmland that cling to irrigation channels are emerald islands in a sea of beige.

Even the irrigated plots risk extinction. Competing reservoirs on the upper reaches of the Shiyang reduced its flow so severely by 2004 that the Hongyashan reservoir went dry for the first time since its creation in 1959. It was refilled after Beijing ordered an emergency diversion of water from the Yellow River, which itself now runs dry through much of the year.

Local officials, whose promotions in the government and Communist Party hierarchy depend more on increasing economic output than improving the environment, have tried desperately to preserve Minqin's farming. They have pleaded with cities on the upper reaches of the Shiyang to take less of its water.

They have also dug wells at a furious pace - 11,000 of them in total, some reaching more than 300 meters, or about 1,000 feet. Minqin also planted ramparts of Rose Willow, Sacsaoul and Buckthorn trees in a 300-kilometer Maginot Line along the Tengger and Badain Jaran fronts. They are now stranded by desert on two sides.

Such ideas have not worked. Wang Tao, who heads the 937 Project, said the only viable strategy to save arid land in Gansu, Inner Mongolia and Ningxia was to move people out, reduce production, form conservation parks and let nature heal itself. "Minqin is not going to get more water," he said by telephone from his base in Lanzhou. "It needs fewer people."

In fact, a 200-year trend of migration into northern Gansu from overcrowded lands in south and central China has shifted sharply into reverse, with tens of thousands of farmers being relocated, some as far away as Heilongjiang Province in the northeast. Along Minqin's northern frontier, villages like Xiqu, Zhongqu, Shoucheng and Hongshaliang have been totally or partly abandoned. Sand dunes smother empty homes. Olive, plum and date trees are stacked for firewood.

Shen Tangguo reckons he is the only remaining farmer in his village, called Huanghui, that once had several hundred. He carries water by motorcycle from a well a few kilometers away to irrigate his cotton, which he says is resilient but low yielding. He has pictures of Mao and Zhou Enlai as well as more recent Chinese leaders on his walls. But he says he has not seen an official in Huanghui since someone dropped by to collect a road-building tax a few months ago.

"Everyone else left because they have friends who can arrange things," he said. "I don't have any friends."

Chai, the Minqin environmentalist, grew up north of the city in a village now struggling to survive. His father left the village a few years ago to live with Chai, who is 44. Their ancestral home now has two remaining walls and no roof. The local elementary school closed last year when only three children showed up for class.

The village's decline prompted Chai to study ecology on his own. He now speaks volubly about the desert ecosystem and writes newspaper and magazine articles calling on the higher authorities to abandon water engineering schemes so that his native land has a chance to recover. But he is not optimistic.

Just outside his village is a vast wind-whipped plain where, he said, his father used to fish. It was called Qingtu Lake, once one of the largest in China's northwest until the diversion of the Shiyang gave the lake to the Tengger. Fifteen centimeters down, the soil remains dark. And on the surface are shells, fish bones and a snowlike powder of mirabilite crystal left behind by the alkaline waters.

"This is not a natural disaster. It is man-made," Chai said. "And unless people study the lesson of Minqin, it will repeat itself clear across China."


MINQIN, China China's favorite military strategist, Sun Tzu, surely would have warned against letting two mighty enemies, the Tengger and the Badain Jaran, form a united front. Yet a desert pincer is squeezing this struggling oasis town, and China's long campaign to cultivate its vast, arid northwest is now in retreat.

An ever-rising tide of sand has claimed grasslands, ponds, lakes and forests, swallowed whole villages and forced tens of thousands of people to flee as it surges south and threatens to render this ancient Silk Road greenbelt uninhabitable.

Han Chinese cover their heads and faces to protect against violent sandstorms. Farmers dig wells down hundreds of meters. If they find water, it is often brackish, even poisonous.

Chinese leaders have vowed to protect Minqin and surrounding towns in Gansu Province. The area divides two deserts, the Badain Jaran in the northwest and the Tengger in the northeast, and its precarious state threatens to accelerate the spread of barren wasteland to the heart of China.

The national "937 Project," set up to fight the encroaching desert, estimated in April that 3,900 square kilometers, or 1,500 square miles, of land turns to sand each year. Nearly all of north central China, including Beijing, is at risk. Expanding deserts and a severe drought also made this a near record year for dust storms carried east in the jet stream.

Sand squalls have blanketed Beijing and other northern cities, leaving a stubborn yellow haze in the air and coating roads, buildings, cars and lungs with a film of fine granules.

Prime Minister Wen Jiabao traveled to the northwest recently, offering aid to drought-stricken farmers and ordering provincial officials to supply more water to Minqin. His call to reinforce the oasis is plastered on a giant billboard on the main road into town. But while local officials have tried grandiose schemes to rescue the outpost, environmentalists say that it will probably need to be at least partly abandoned and returned to nature if the regional ecology is to be restored.

"We must find ways to live with nature in some kind of balance," said Chai Erhong, an environmentalist and writer who lives in Minqin. "The government mainly wants to control nature, which is what did all the harm in the first place."

Government-led cultivation, deforestation, irrigation and reclamation almost certainly contributed to the desert's advance, which began in the 1950s and the 1960s and has accelerated since then.

Critics warn that some lessons of past engineering fiascoes remained unlearned. During the ill-fated Great Leap Forward in the late 1950s, Chairman Mao Zedong ordered construction of a giant Hongyashan reservoir near Minqin that diverted the flow of the Shiyang River and runoff from the Qilian Mountains into an irrigation system. It briefly made Minqin's farmland fertile enough to grow grain. But Minqin is a desert oasis that gets almost no rainfall. The Shiyang and its offshoots had been its ecological lifeline.

With the available water resources monopolized for farming, nearly all other land became a target for the desert. Today, patches of farmland that cling to irrigation channels are emerald islands in a sea of beige.

Even the irrigated plots risk extinction. Competing reservoirs on the upper reaches of the Shiyang reduced its flow so severely by 2004 that the Hongyashan reservoir went dry for the first time since its creation in 1959. It was refilled after Beijing ordered an emergency diversion of water from the Yellow River, which itself now runs dry through much of the year.

Local officials, whose promotions in the government and Communist Party hierarchy depend more on increasing economic output than improving the environment, have tried desperately to preserve Minqin's farming. They have pleaded with cities on the upper reaches of the Shiyang to take less of its water.

They have also dug wells at a furious pace - 11,000 of them in total, some reaching more than 300 meters, or about 1,000 feet. Minqin also planted ramparts of Rose Willow, Sacsaoul and Buckthorn trees in a 300-kilometer Maginot Line along the Tengger and Badain Jaran fronts. They are now stranded by desert on two sides.

Such ideas have not worked. Wang Tao, who heads the 937 Project, said the only viable strategy to save arid land in Gansu, Inner Mongolia and Ningxia was to move people out, reduce production, form conservation parks and let nature heal itself. "Minqin is not going to get more water," he said by telephone from his base in Lanzhou. "It needs fewer people."

In fact, a 200-year trend of migration into northern Gansu from overcrowded lands in south and central China has shifted sharply into reverse, with tens of thousands of farmers being relocated, some as far away as Heilongjiang Province in the northeast. Along Minqin's northern frontier, villages like Xiqu, Zhongqu, Shoucheng and Hongshaliang have been totally or partly abandoned. Sand dunes smother empty homes. Olive, plum and date trees are stacked for firewood.

Shen Tangguo reckons he is the only remaining farmer in his village, called Huanghui, that once had several hundred. He carries water by motorcycle from a well a few kilometers away to irrigate his cotton, which he says is resilient but low yielding. He has pictures of Mao and Zhou Enlai as well as more recent Chinese leaders on his walls. But he says he has not seen an official in Huanghui since someone dropped by to collect a road-building tax a few months ago.

"Everyone else left because they have friends who can arrange things," he said. "I don't have any friends."

Chai, the Minqin environmentalist, grew up north of the city in a village now struggling to survive. His father left the village a few years ago to live with Chai, who is 44. Their ancestral home now has two remaining walls and no roof. The local elementary school closed last year when only three children showed up for class.

The village's decline prompted Chai to study ecology on his own. He now speaks volubly about the desert ecosystem and writes newspaper and magazine articles calling on the higher authorities to abandon water engineering schemes so that his native land has a chance to recover. But he is not optimistic.

Just outside his village is a vast wind-whipped plain where, he said, his father used to fish. It was called Qingtu Lake, once one of the largest in China's northwest until the diversion of the Shiyang gave the lake to the Tengger. Fifteen centimeters down, the soil remains dark. And on the surface are shells, fish bones and a snowlike powder of mirabilite crystal left behind by the alkaline waters.

"This is not a natural disaster. It is man-made," Chai said. "And unless people study the lesson of Minqin, it will repeat itself clear across China."

By Joseph Kahn The New York TimesPublished: June 7, 2006

A Crisis of Young and Old in China's Birth Rate

Shanghai is rightfully known as a fast-moving, hypermodern city full of youth and vigor. But that obscures a less-well-known fact: Shanghai has the oldest population in China, and it is getting older in a hurry.

Twenty percent of this city's population of 13.6 million is over 59, the official retirement age in Shanghai, and retirees are easily the fastest-growing segment of the population, with 100,000 new seniors added to the rolls each year. By 2020, about a third of Shanghai's residents will be over 59, remaking the city's social fabric and placing huge new strains on its economy and finances.

The changes go far beyond Shanghai, however. Experts say the rapidly graying city is leading one of the greatest demographic changes in history, one with profound implications for the entire country.

China, which has built its economic strength on the basis of seemingly endless supplies of cheap labor, could soon face manpower shortages. An aging population may also damage the credibility of the Communist government, which manufactured this historic shift with its one-child policy.

Introduced a generation ago, the birth control policy, strongly enforced in urban areas, has spared the country an estimated 390 million births, but may ultimately prove to be a monumental mistake. With China's breathtaking rise toward affluence, most people live longer and have fewer children, mirroring trends seen around the world. But the extraordinarily low birth rate has created a stark imbalance between young and old.

That imbalance threatens the country's pension system. Demographers also expect strains on the household registration system, which restricts internal migration.

The system prevents young workers from migrating to urban areas to relieve labor shortages, but officials fear that abolishing it could release a flood of humanity that would swamp the cities and depopulate the countryside.

"For the last two decades, China has enjoyed the advantage of having a high ratio of working-age people in the population, but that situation is about to change," said Zuo Xuejin, vice president of the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences. "With the working-age population decreasing, our labor costs will become less competitive, and industries in places like Vietnam and Bangladesh will start becoming more attractive."

Even within China, Zuo said, many foreign investors have begun moving factories away from Shanghai and other eastern cities to inland locations where the work force is both cheaper and younger.

As remote as many of these problems may seem today in Shanghai, the country's most prosperous city, evidence of the changes is already on display. If Shanghai represents the future of China, it is in Jing'an - a central Shanghai district where about 4,000 people, or 30 percent of the residents, are above 60 - where one can glimpse that future.

Squads of lightly trained social workers monitor the city's elderly, paying regular house visits to combat isolation and ensuring that medical problems are attended to. At 10 a.m. on a recent spring morning, Chen Meijuan walked up a narrow and rickety wooden stairway to the second-floor apartment where Liang Yunyu has lived for the past 58 years.

"Good morning, granny," she called out as she entered the 100-year-old woman's small bedroom. "Did you have a good night's sleep?"

Chen, 49, earns about $95 a month as one of the 15 agents who are responsible for monitoring the neighborhood's elderly. Her caseload includes more than 200 seniors. "I usually pay visits to about five or six households a day, stay a little while and chat with them," Chen said.

After being introduced to a foreign visitor, Liang regales her guests with stories ranging across the decades of the 20th century.

"My daughter always invites me to live with her family, but I feel embarrassed to be with them," Liang said. "I'm worried I might die in her home, so I prefer staying where I am."

Her son, Zha Yuheng, a 76-year-old grandfather and retired textile industry worker, lives with her now, which also concerns her, she says.

"I am taken good care of here, but living with my son leaves him with a big burden, I'm afraid," she said.

In many wealthy societies, the very old are candidates for nursing home care. That sector is still tiny in China, though, especially compared with the size of the elderly population.

Zhang Minsheng opened the city's first private nursing home in 1998, a rambling, 350-bed affair in an industrial area far from central Shanghai that is now 95 percent occupied.

"People were not willing to enter nursing homes in the past because they were considered places for those without descendants," Zhang said. "Now, from the standpoint of ordinary people, it is becoming a normal thing."

The average age of the residents of Zhang's home is 85, and most live several to a room, sleeping on narrow beds separated by flimsy partitions. Many pass the daytime hours in long corridors furnished with chairs, where they chat or simply stare into the distance.

China has a patchwork of retirement ages, ranging generally from 50 to 60. Raising the retirement age would relieve pressures on the pension system but make it harder for young people to find jobs and would be resented by many of the elderly, most of whom have missed out on China's economic boom.

Lifting restrictions on internal migration raises the unwelcome prospect of a mass migration, while abandoning the one-child policy would be politically unpalatable. And the government has already tinkered with that policy. It now allows husbands and wives who are themselves only children to have a second child, for example, and has eliminated a four-year waiting period between births for those eligible to have a second child.

But Chinese demographic experts say that the leadership would resist more radical measures, because it is loath to acknowledge that one of the most ambitious social experiments of the 20th century, one conceived and carried out by the ruling Communist Party, was in any way a failure. Moreover, lifting child-bearing restrictions might not help.

Poorer people in the interior might have more children, but the rising middle class probably will not, experts say.

By Howard W. French The New York Times

Taiwan's Chen Survives Key Vote

Taiwanese President Chen Shui-bian has survived a parliamentary attempt to oust him from office over scandals besetting his family and advisers. More than half Taiwan's legislators backed a motion to recall Mr Chen, but it fell short of the two-thirds majority required to pass.
Thousands of Mr Chen's opponents and supporters gathered outside parliament as the vote took place. Afterwards, Mr Chen urged his critics to end the political confrontation. Opposition campaign The crisis began last month when Mr Chen's son-in-law, Chao Chien-min, was detained on suspicion of insider trading. Mr Chen's wife has also been accused of questionable dealings. Earlier this month, in the wake of these allegations, Taiwan's opposition Kuomintang party launched a motion to oust President Chen - the first time this has ever been attempted in Taiwanese history. The opposition hoped some members of Mr Chen's ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) would back their plans so it could achieve the 148 votes needed to pass the motion to hold a public referendum to recall the president. But most ruling party legislators stuck with Mr Chen and boycotted Tuesday's vote, and there were only 119 votes in favour of the motion. Even though this vote has failed, opposition parties are likely to continue their fight and push for a vote of no confidence in the Cabinet. After Tuesday's session, opposition leader James Soong told the protesters: "Over half of the legislators voted to recall Mr Chen, so he should quickly tender his resignation."

Story from BBC NEWS:http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/5119672.stm

China Media Face Disaster Fines

China is considering imposing financial penalties on media outlets which report emergency incidents without prior government agreement. Media organisations could face fines of more than $10,000 if they disobey. It is unclear when the regulations might come into force and whether they cover international media organisations as well as local ones. China's authorities have always exerted tight control over the coverage of emergencies. They often impose news blackouts on stories they feel might damage the image of the Communist Party. Last year, officials in north-east China at first covered up a toxic chemical spill in the Songhua River, which meant nine million residents in the city of Harbin were without public water supplies for nearly a week. These proposed new rules are part of an ongoing government campaign to tighten up on China's already limited media freedoms. In recent months, several journalists and political activists who have exposed official corruption and wrongdoing have been arrested or imprisoned.

Story from BBC NEWS:http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/asia-pacific/5116928.stm

China Audit Uncovers Corruption

Chinese government officials lost more than $1.5bn (£800m) last year through corruption and poor tax collection, China's National Audit Office has said. State news agency Xinhua said the office found that 48 central government departments misappropriated 5.51bn yuan ($685m; £376m) from the central budget. Another 6.65bn yuan was lost through poor tax collection methods. But auditor general Li Jinhua said the central budget was in generally good shape with better budgetary controls. The number of people punished was also down sharply from 2004.
'Inner supervision'
A total of 176 people were punished in 106 cases, falling from the 762 people given criminal or disciplinary punishments in 2004. The decline was due to "the enhanced inner supervision by government departments," Mr Li said in his report. Nine central government departments embezzled a total 176m yuan of central government funds by tactics that included reporting fabricated projects. Another 18 departments took 702m yuan of central budget cash or other funds on building offices or other personal expenses. And seven departments got 360m yuan worth of central budgetary funds by hiding their revenue or fabricating expenditures, the auditor said.